Wednesday, May 25, 2005

Domville, Knight, Mosley, Blunt ...

Sources include
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2004/10/12/nna12.xml
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/2WWfifthC.htm
http://www.wakeupmag.co.uk/articles/sstate2.htm

In the 1930s, some members of MI5 and MI6 were fans of fascism and Hitler.

Hitler was seen by some of the spooks as being a potential ally in the fight against Communism.

According to Admiral Sir Barry Domville, head of Naval Intelligence, Hitler was "absolutely terrific."

Wing Commander Frederick Winterbottom, head of MI6's air section, reportedly hoped Britain and Germany would unite against Stalin's Russia.

MI5 agent Mark Papys, Earl of Cottenham, allegedly had sympathies with the Nazis.

When reports reached MI6 that Czechoslovakia was about to be invaded by Hitler, the reports were said to have been dismissed by the head of MI6, Admiral Sinclair, as "alarmist rumours…. put forward by Jews and Bolsheviks for their own ends."

British Fascist organisations such as Sir Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF), the Anglo-German Fellowship and The Link (which reportedly included the Duke of Westminster and the Duke of Bedford among its members) were allegedly 'left alone by MI5'.

Maxwell Knight (model for James Bond's boss M) reportedly served as Director of Intelligence of the British Fascists (BF) from 1924 to 1927.

MI5 agent, James Hughes, reportedly served as a Chief of Intelligence of the British Union of Fascists (BUF) from its formation in 1912 until it was banned in 1940.

Hughs 'played a leading role in establishing BUF secret cells (modelled on those of the German Nazi Party) in the British civil service, armed forces, key manufacturing and commercial enterprises and the trade union movement.'

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When World War II began, the intelligence services had among its members Kim Philby, Anthony Blunt and Victor Rothschild.

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http://members.lycos.co.uk/mere_pseud_mag_ed/History/Hope1.htm

John Hope, at Lobster Magazine November 1991, wrote about: Fascism, the Security Service and the Curious Careers of Maxwell Knight and James McGuirk Hughes.

Reportedly there is evidence of collusion between the British Fascists and top MI5 officers Charles Henry Maxwell Knight and James McGuirk Hughes.

Knight was primarily responsible for the surveillance of Britain's fascists.

Knight, in 1940, revealed the pro- Nazi activities of Tyler Kent and Anna Wolkoff. A number of fascists were then interned.

According to John Hope, at Lobster magazine, there was another side to Knight's encounter with fascism.

In 1924 Knight 'became a member of Britain's first fascist movement of any significance, the British Fascists (BF) and served as its Director of Intelligence from 1924 to 1927'.

Neil Francis-Hawkins, Director-General of Organization for the BUF, informed an Advisory Committee on Detainees in 1944, that Maxwell Knight "had been Director of Intelligence at the British Fascists".

Foreign Office papers show Knight's name on a list of the British Fascists' senior executives provided by two of the movement's members in September 1926 to Special Branch and Foreign Office officials.

Knight's position as the BF's Chief Intelligence officer appears in an intelligence report given to the Australian authorities in 1924, and discovered by the historian, Dr. Andrew Moore.

Knight joined the British Fascists in 1924, prior to his recruitment by the Security Service in April 1925.

There is evidence that Knight continued to be a fascist after he left the BF in 1927.

Francis-Hawkins claims that shortly after Knight left the BF he revealed his identity as an MI5 officer and offered assistance to the BF in its work for the "Clear Out the Reds Campaign".

Knight's testimony at the trial of Tyler Kent was that his sympathies for fascism began to wane in 1935.

Bernard Porter has suggested that Knight had served an "intelligence apprenticeship". His source was John Baker White, Assistant Director and then Director of the Economic League between 1926 and 1939. White may have recruited Knight for his private 'right wing' intelligence agency.

'The line separating the private intelligence agencies of the right from the state Security Services was distinctly blurred.'

White suggests in his autobiography that the right-wing groups had close links with the fascist movement.

Certain right wing groups, organised on military lines, conducted violent assaults on strikers and socialists.

Some of the earliest members of the British Fascists 'were drawn from the organizations of the conservative right'. Titled aristocrats and senior military personnel were members of the movement's Grand Council and Executive.

There is some evidence that the conservative right 'was more deeply involved in facilitating the growth and development of the BF than most studies indicate.'

TheDuke of Northumberland's paper, The Patriot, carried out the initial recruiting for the BF.

The BF 'became a beneficiary of the links that the conservative right had with the security apparatus of the state, in particular with MI5.'

The case of James McGuirk Hughes

Hughes was the British Union of Fascists' Chief of Intelligence in Department Z of the movement, from its formation in 1932 until it was banned in 1940.

Hughes reportedly disclosed his employment by MI5 to Mosley when he applied for the position.

Hughes had first served an apprenticeship with the British Empire Union's private intelligence and counter-espionage network.

Hughs and his agents infiltrated and sabotaged trade unions and left-wing groups.

In one of his reports Hughes wrote "that we have the complete confidence and help of Scotland Yard, and in fact have received payment from them. The Assistant Commissioner (Col. Carter) considers that we are the only efficient organization.......our relations with the provincial police continue to be good....We had placed under us a number of the plain cloths (sic) men of the Glasgow police...'.

When Hughs joined Mosley's fascist movement he was an established MI5 agent.

Hughes had the job of setting up the BUF's secret cells, modelled on those of the German Nazi party and the Italian Fascisti. A plan to set up such cells in the Civil Service, the Armed Forces, key manufacturing and commercial enterprises, and the trade union movement, began in 1933.

Hughs seemed happy to use the BUF for MI5's operations against the left.

Knight joined the BF before he was recruited to MI5. Hughes' work for the fascists appears 'to outweigh the information he relayed back to the Security Service.'

There is 'no evidence at all to show that either Knight or Hughes made any attempt to undermine or sabotage the movements to which they belonged - at least before the start of World War Two.'

'For MI5 to collude with fascism was merely a continuation and extension of existing practice.'

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